|
|
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Sentence Reduction
& Parole in China, 1998–2004
|
Year |
Prisoners Receiving
Sentence Reduction |
Prisoners Receiving Parole |
|
2004 |
391,484 |
17,963 |
|
2003 |
308,140 * |
20,964 |
|
2002 |
326,625 |
16,736 |
|
2001 |
324,405 |
17,368 |
|
2000 |
323,100 |
18,179 |
|
1999 |
330,384 |
25,888 |
|
1998 |
274,967 |
23,204 |
* Total adjusted due to typographical
error in original source.
Source: China Law
Yearbook《中国法律年鉴》(1999-2005) |
The Worst, Best of Times
for Dialogue
Like the related human rights dialogue, the next legal experts dialogue
will convene during trying times for rule of law in China. In many
respects, rights defense work is becoming more dangerous, and free
expression and the right to a free trial face serious obstacles. In
February, Gao Zhisheng, one of China’s most renowned rights lawyers, was
“disappeared.” The Open Constitution Initiative, which promoted Chinese
legal reform, was declared illegal this summer, its website shut down,
and its head, Xu Zhiyong, arrested on tax evasion charges. Scores of
rights lawyers have had their licenses revoked. In broader terms, the
number of arrests for political crimes is expected to increase again
this year, in part due to the riots in Urumqi in July. Public security
forces are vigorously policing the Internet and have detained, arrested,
or convicted many citizens for online posts and other electronic
communications.
On matters of law, the US and Chinese sides clearly have many points of
contention, but historically, Chinese officials have been receptive to
inputs from US counterparts in legal exchanges, including those
coordinated by NGOs, universities, bar associations, and business
councils. After frequent programs on labor law and worker rights, for
example, China promulgated the Labor Contract Law and a revised Labor
Dispute Mediation and Arbitration Law in 2008. Judging the practical
effects of these laws is difficult, but their passage indicates that
some Chinese lawmakers are trying to remedy urgent problems. Labor
rights are under constant stress in China, and with worker protests on
the rise, labor grievances are as likely to play out in China’s streets
as in the courts.
A crucial prerequisite for legal discussions is more transparency in the
criminal justice system, particularly regarding case adjudication. To
this end, the renewed legal dialogue can encourage Chinese counterparts
to increase access to verdicts and trials. Some Chinese provinces have
started to publish verdicts online, but most courts do not make their
rulings public. And while most trials are supposed to be open to the
public, including foreign observers, attending trials remains difficult
if not impossible, especially in sensitive cases or those involving
“state secrets.” Pre-trial procedures in both countries, like the
constitutionally-protected right of a defendant to meet with counsel,
collection of evidence, and the process for calling witnesses, are all
issues worthy of frank and open discussion.
Other Areas Open for Talks
As with labor law, the least mature of China’s legal mechanisms may
yield the most space for the United States to work with Chinese
partners. China’s fledgling juvenile justice system is one on which
dialogue is increasingly robust. The rise in juvenile crime in China and
the absence of a national system for trying juvenile cases have inspired
China to go abroad and learn from Western models. One of the most
successful legal exchanges in recent years was the delegation hosted by
Dui Hua from China’s SPC to study the US juvenile justice system (see
Dialogue Issue 33). A report on the program was prepared for Premier Wen
Jiabao and circulated in Chinese legal circles. Following this positive
experience, the SPC has invited Dui Hua to organize a return delegation
of American experts to study China’s juvenile justice system in 2010.
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